Expanding the Role of Uncle Sam Part Three: The Excesses of the New Deal

A Works Progress Administration piece of art depicting the construction of a dam. The New Deal era was full of similar projects, some of which continue to be useful today, but many of which were only useful for creating jobs in the short term. May 11, 2013. (James Vaughan/Flickr Creative Commons).

In the last article, we covered how utopian dreaming and rationalistic faith in planning undermined the fundamentally conservative nature of the old Hamiltonian tradition and brought about a deformed and idealistic Progressivism. In this article, we will cover how that idealistic Progressivism led to a government which, under Franklin Roosevelt, placed too great an emphasis on short-term projects and consumption, with the aim of perfecting life and remedying the ills of the human condition. This was done at the expense of long-term planning and thinking, and the deficiency of such thinking plagues our government to this very day.

In his column, Brooks writes of the fundamental shortsightedness of the New Deal:

“Second, the New Deal. Franklin Roosevelt was right to energetically respond to the Depression. But the New Deal’s dictum — that people don’t eat in the long run; they eat every day — was eventually corrosive. Politicians since have paid less attention to long-term structures and more to how many jobs they ‘create’ in a specific month. Americans have been corrupted by the allure of debt, sacrificing future development for the sake of present spending and tax cuts…

…A government that was trusted and oriented around long-term visions is now distrusted because it tries to pander to the voters’ every momentary desire.”

President Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal mixed Teddy Roosevelt’s government activism with Woodrow Wilson’s techno-utopianism, thus polluting the Hamiltonian tradition further. That is unfortunate, for the New Deal did indeed produce some good Hamiltonian ends, particularly in infrastructure construction, financial regulation, national service programs and industrial development. It produced them on a scale larger and more significant than any national program before or since. But, it brought with it a pernicious side-effect: an institutionalization of the here-and-now tendency, which has shackled American governments to costly entitlement systems and pork-barrel projects, while simultaneously preventing the establishment of long-term strategic planning of infrastructure, entitlements, education systems and other areas of public policy. Forward-thinking Americans lament the short-term mindset, which politicians and pundits alike tend to act within. The real culprit isn’t short elected terms or media sensationalism—at a base level, the normalization of short-term thinking under the New Deal is the ancestor of this corrosive modern mindset.

To pay for the massive social programs of the New Deal, President Roosevelt invoked the idea of the ‘emergency budget’ and soon had the country running unprecedentedly huge deficits. While the logic behind this was sound – George Washington had counseled that times of emergency made increased public expenditures necessary – it unfortunately legitimated a Keynesian habit of spending huge sums of federal money in a quest to stimulate growth in the short run. This spending chiefly financed what the Breakthrough Institute has referred to as ‘consumptive spending’, like entitlements, social programs and pork-barrel projects, rather than ‘productive investments’ such as education, infrastructure and technological research. Generations of New Deal-raised politicians would continue that habit, as would conservatives, like Ronald Reagan, who favored the repeal of New Deal programs.

Under the National Recovery Administration and Agricultural Adjustment Administration, the New Deal entered the realm of demand-side economic adjusting. Industrialists and retailers were encouraged to set the prices of their products and services against fluctuation, while farmers were encouraged to destroy their excess crops and livestock to keep prices artificially high. This sort of economic engineering was well-intentioned with the hope of preserving the market in uncertain times, but its perpetuation did not make the market any more competitive, nor did it contribute to innovation and development—it merely froze the market in a single period of time and preserved incomes and jobs for Americans. Though a noble goal, this was symptomatic of the shortsightedness that characterized most economic programs surrounding the New Deal.

The chief keystone of the New Deal was the Social Security Administration and the various programs it contained. In many ways, it looked like the progressive legislation of FDR’s cousin, Theodore—universal retirement insurance, unemployment insurance and guaranteed subsidization for those handicapped who were fully unable to help themselves. That said, it was a wholly unsustainable model inadequately designed for a population whose birthrate would decline and whose average age of death would continue to increase year by year. Additionally, in primarily advantaging the elderly and incapacitated, it did not provide the young and enterprising with further opportunities to succeed and build fortunes of their own. Finally, by promising government support for welfare roles traditionally taken on by civil society, it is highly likely that the New Deal – like the Great Society after it – helped to undermine the family structure and the formation of organic local communities. The government of the New Deal served as a dispensary of economic benefits to individuals in need, thus taking over a role that had previously been occupied by families and communities. The absence of pro-family and pro-civil society entitlements in the midst of these individualistic entitlements sealed the deal.

Though the Social Security Administration has been a net positive for the American people, it has proved itself unsustainable, riven with unintended consequences, and is an example of the short-term thinking the New Deal institutionalized in America.

Despite the many drawbacks and failures of the New Deal, there were indeed some successes that testified to the lingering presence of the Hamiltonian tradition among the New Deal Democrats of the 1930s. The Glass-Steagall Act separated the financial and commercial sectors of banking to preclude the ill effects of speculation, putting an important reform into the mandate of the Federal Reserve. This stabilized finance in the United States for some time, and the economic blessings of such central banking are too numerous to list here. Additionally, such infrastructure-building agencies as the Public Works Administration, some components of the Works Progress Administration and the Civilian Conservation Corps, were able to both provide temporary relief and work for the masses of unemployed Americans, and lay down crucial public infrastructure across the nation, some of which is still visible and widely used today. The various rural electrification projects, including the Tennessee Valley Authority, brought modernization to new populations of Americans. The components of the New Deal that focused on traditional Hamiltonian strategies – including sound infrastructure and sound finance – were the most enduring, least problematic and most successful legacy of that historic program. We now enjoy, with equal fervor, the other legacy of the New Deal: short-term thinking politics, the legislative equivalent of bread and circuses, in the place of crucial long-term strategy and sagacious planning.

It is interesting to note that in the Republican Party of the 1940s, there was a resurgence of Hamiltonian nationalist sentiment, in the form of various presidential candidates who sought to maintain the best parts of the New Deal while shedding its short-term thinking and utopianism. Thomas E. Dewey and Wendell Wilkie campaigned unsuccessfully for the presidency, while Dwight D. Eisenhower won the presidency successfully and was able to hold onto the best elements of the New Deal while reforming it, making it more efficient and placing more investment in crucial sectors such as infrastructure and technological research. Unfortunately, as we shall see in the next article, this resurgence of moderate Republicanism – Hamiltonianism for the 20th century – was short-lived. Moreover, it was the greatest failure of President Eisenhower that he could not institutionalize moderate Republicanism as a major political force the way his party’s insurgent conservatives were doing, or the way Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal Democrats had already done.

By the 1950s and early 1960s, New Deal short-term thinking and Wilsonian idealism dominated the ideas of the establishment Democrats. The furthest reaches of Progressivism, however, were yet to come—this time under Lyndon B. Johnson.

A version of this article first appeared at Independent Voters Network.

The views expressed by the author do not necessarily reflect those of the Glimpse from the Globe staff, editors, or governors.


Luke Phillips

Luke Phillips is a policy researcher and political writer interested in economic policy, government reform, American political and intellectual history, federalism and administration, foreign policy and grand strategy, and political theory. He is based between Southern California and Washington D.C., and has been active in California state politics.

Phillips has been involved in policy research, commentary publishing, and politics for some time. He has done stints and projects at the Richard Nixon Foundation, the John Hay Initiative, Mike & Morley LLC, The American Interest magazine, the Center for Opportunity Urbanism, and various California Republican campaigns, including Duf Sundheim’s 2016 bid for the U.S. Senate and David Hadley’s brief 2018 campaign for Governor of California. He has been involved in various center-right blogging projects over the years, including The Progressive Republican League, The New Hamiltonian, and most recently, The Hamiltonian Republican. He keeps a personal blog on politics, history, ethics, and philosophy called “A Biased Perspective.” Outside of writing and politics, Phillips has marched in the University of Southern California’s Trojan Marching Band, sang in various Catholic choirs, and worked as an OA Trail Crew Foreman in the Philmont Scout Ranch Conservation Department. He is an avid hiker, a mediocre ukulelist, and an occasional poet.
Luke is currently finishing his Bachelor’s Degree in International Relations at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles, California. He commutes regularly to the Washington D.C. Metro Area, where he will be relocating in 2018. Phillips is an Eagle Scout, and a member of the Hertog Foundation Alumni and the USC Unruh Associates.