The development of the Sulli Deals app occurred during a period of rising violence against Muslims in India, with religious-based hate crimes having increased by 30% and Muslims being the primary target in more than 78% of these attacks.

Mehvish’s experience, although startling, is not uncommon. She was only one of 83 women displayed on the website.

Mehvish serves as a stark reminder of the deep-seated discrimination and violence that the Muslim community in India is forced to face, especially when discussing contentious issues like the CAA.

Passed in December 2019, the Citizenship Amendment Act provides a pathway to Indian citizenship for illegal immigrants from six specified minority communities. Namely, Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, Parsis and Christians, who entered from neighboring countries prior to 2014.

While individuals labeled as illegal by the National Register of Citizens, who identify as one of the six aforementioned minorities, are granted protections and a pathway to regain Indian citizenship under this law, Muslims are not afforded the same opportunity.
The widely criticized Citizenship Amendment Act was operationalized on Mar 11 of this year following an announcement by the Minister of Home Affairs Amit Shah, regarding the launch of the citizenship application and introduction of new rules.
Experts agree that the law is discriminatory and ill-willed. Testifying at a hearing convened by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) Ashutosh Varshney, an expert on ethnic and religious conflict, explained the harmful effects of the CAA.

“If India’s controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) is implemented, it would render a large number of Indian Muslims stateless,” Varshney said. “This makes the minority community [Muslims] highly vulnerable to oppression and discrimination in the future.”

In the wake of the amendment’s adoption, large-scale protests erupted across the cultural capital of Kolkata, India, as countless individuals flooded the streets to express their opposition.

“As a Muslim, I realize that we don’t have the option of being non-political [in India],” Mehvish said. “We live in a constant state of fear for ourselves and our families so there is no choice. ”

Noor Mehvish, serving as a beacon of courage and conviction, played a pivotal role in orchestrating demonstrations in the Muslim ghettos of Park Circus and Mataib. For 65 consecutive evenings, she and her 60-year-old mother protested, alongside thousands of others, in the biting cold of Kolkata’s winter.

“We have never seen any moment like this across India, where women are actively participating and involving themselves,” says Mehvish.

The memory still lingers, tugging at Noor Mehvish’s heartstrings. Hundreds of women, who had never before left the confines of their homes, took to the streets of Kolkata. Driven by years of mounting frustration and pervasive fear, they held hands and chanted political slogans until their throats were sore.

“It was a very historical moment,” said Mohammad Reyaz, head of Journalism and Mass Communication at Aliah University. “This was the first time after the Independence movement that Muslims, in particular, were mobilizing nationwide and rising to such a massive level for civic rights”.

Noor Mehvish, though she had never anticipated the integral role she would come to play in the movement, was no stranger to advocacy, having been born into a family of revered freedom fighters in India.

“My grandmother was very involved in the Independence Movement, ” Mehvish said. “She lost her brother, sister-in-law and their three kids then. My family has already seen and made a lot of sacrifices for civic rights in India and we continue to. ”

Noor grew up with her grandmother telling her stories about the challenges the Muslim community faced during the movement and the fear and trauma they had to endure. As she grew older, Noor came to realize that these stories were not just relics of a bygone era, but still a reality for many, including herself.

Noor carries with her memories of numerous harrowing experiences, being at the mercy of violent mobs who would question her nationality and denigrate her faith.

“If a person like me, whose family has contributed to the freedom movement and has lost people in [the fight for]partition rights, is facing discrimination, what is the average Muslim facing?” she cried.

The plight of Muslims in India is worsening at an alarming rate. Not only in West Bengal but in states governed by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, by which Muslims are constantly questioned about their Indian identity and belonging.

“Our homes are being destroyed, Muslim students are being imprisoned, individuals [are]being singled out for wearing a hijab. A Muslim man was killed last week for eating beef. While people are being killed and lynched, they scream about secularism and their religious rights” Mehvish says while wiping tears. “But what about our rights?”

The future for Muslims in India is unclear. With Modi’s looming re-election this year, the prospect of what lies ahead remains murky and unsettling. However, despite the challenges ahead, Noor Mehvish remains steadfast in her commitment to protecting her community.

“Since childhood, I always wished to become a doctor. But because of this, I’ve decided to practice law,” explains Mehvish. Amidst uncertainty, Noor Mehvish’s unwavering dedication stands as a beacon of hope for the Muslim community in India and an inspiration for others to follow suit.

The views expressed in opinion pieces do not represent the views of Glimpse from the Globe.

The post “I Was Auctioned off by Hindu Nationalists”: The Fate of a Prominent Muslim Activist 4 Years After the Anti-CAA Protests appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

For decades, Indian Americans from diverse religious backgrounds have peacefully coexisted in the United States. However recent occurrences, like the divergent responses to Prime Minister Modi’s visit, serve as a microcosm of the deep-seated division within the Indian community and raise concerns that the extreme political and religious division in India is slowly seeping into diaspora communities. 

Hindu nationalism, in India, surged under Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party, which rose to power in 2014 and was empowered by their landslide election win in 2019. 

The ruling party faced significant criticism for the increasing attacks on Muslims and other religious minorities, as well as from some Hindus who argue that Modi’s lack of action empowers right-wing groups and puts national unity at risk. Such conversations are also occurring in the United States but to a different tune.

“All of the mainstream Hindu American organizations were either very vocal and openly supportive of this political ideology and its vision of Hindu identity, ” said Nikhil Mandalaparthy, deputy executive director of the Hindus for Human Rights. “Or they were just silent about what was happening in the name of the Hindu tradition and Hindu community.”

It was under this period of rising tensions that Hindus for Human Rights, a non-profit organization based in Washington D.C., was formed to counteract what Mandalaparthy calls “the American monopoly on the Hindu voice.” 

The goal was to inject an inclusive, progressive Hindu voice in policy and advocacy spaces and to establish connections within the Hindu American diaspora in the United States, which wields substantial influence on Indian politics. 

“Diaspora money funds a lot of the work of groups like the RSS or the BJP that have a very clear ideological agenda and is really key to a lot of their operations in India,” Mandalaparthy explains. “There’s a very long documented history of money going from Hindu Americans to nonprofits, charities and different organizations that are connected to networks of the Hindu right in India.”

In early 2023, South Asia Citizens Web released a report exposing 24 U.S.-based organizations with links to the Sangh Parivar, an India-based global network of Hindu nationalist organizations. 

The report implicates that Sewa International and India Development and Relief Fund, among seven other groups, funded Sangh Parivar-associated initiatives with tens of millions of dollars. The report also names two sponsors, the HSS and VHPA, as having documented ties to extremist Hindu organizations in India. 

Despite these links, both the HSS and VHPA are deeply embedded in Hindu American cultural life and “present themselves as authorities on Hinduism” through “identity-based youth programs, cultural events and disseminating Sangh-approved forms of Hindu culture to the diaspora.”

Redefining Hinduism 

Hindus for Human Rights seeks to challenge the influence of organizations like HSS and VHPA on how Hinduism is perceived in the diaspora community. 

“We have to start by recognizing that today the dominant expression of Hindu identity, whether you’re in India or the diaspora, has really been taken over by Hindu nationalism” explained Nikhil. “There are other ways to be Hindu in a more progressive and inclusive way”. 

As an advocate for pluralism, civil and human rights in South Asia and North America, Hindu for Human Rights’ work is rooted in the values of the Hindu faith: shanti (peace), nyaya (justice) and satya (truth). Their vision is a world defined by lokasangraha (the universal common good) — where there is peace among all people. 

The organization is committed to the elimination of caste and achieving the right to equality for all the communities that have been marginalized in the name of Hinduism by providing a Hindu voice of resistance. 

Their work is infused with these values, spanning from advocacy and community building to countering the disinformation that fuels the propagation of Hindu nationalism in the United States.

Combating Disinformation Campaigns

The digital epidemic that’s taken root in India and the diaspora community is the rapid spread of misinformation and fake news through messaging platforms, particularly WhatsApp. 

WhatsApp chat groups are a breeding ground for misinformation, which is particularly damaging during periods of communal tension and violence. They pose a threat to diaspora communities, which have turned to WhatsApp and other messaging apps for the trust and intimacy they afford.

“In Modi’s India, educated young individuals are so polarized and are spreading [false information]on social media against Muslims,” said Ishani Dutta Roy, an editor at ABP News in Kolkata. 

Government data show a nearly threefold rise in India of instances of “fake news” and “rumors” from 2019 to 2020, even as social media companies take steps to curb the spread of misinformation. 

In a survey conducted in the report Experiences of Muslims in India on Digital Platforms With Anti-Muslim Hate, at least 60% of participants in a survey said they had come across content on digital platforms that incited violence against Muslims. 

Because these platforms have shrunk the distance between South Asia and the United States, they are contributing to the spread and amplification of anti-Muslim sentiments between the two communities.

Anti-Muslim disinformation has become even more readily available and persuasive, especially for anyone seeking confirmation of their hatred and deep-seated prejudice.

“The rise of Hindu nationalism has been accompanied by a really strong effort on the part of Hindu nationalist organizations and political parties to dominate the media landscape, particularly social media,” explained Nikhil while describing the type of content they are finding on platforms like WhatsApp, Instagram or Facebook. “In many cases, the messages that are sent on these platforms can sometimes be the trigger for actual on the ground violence.”

In response, the organization launched Voices of Peace and Ulti Pulti Baat — programs that aim at the influence of religious extremism and hate speech on vulnerable communities and seek to debunk misinformation. 

Activists, scholars and community leaders come together through webinars, panel discussions and other events to discuss issues related to human rights and social justice. They promote dialogue as a method to foster a culture of peace and nonviolence in South Asia and beyond. 

The goal of these initiatives is to target everyday Hindus through WhatsApp groups and the social media ecosystem to inject a different perspective. 

“It’s all about getting into the same places where right now, the only Hindu voices are from the Hindu right and offering an inclusive, progressive alternative,” said Nikhil.

Speaking Across the Divide

Although countering disinformation can be a useful approach to reducing communal tensions in the United States and abroad, it is equally important to engage in on-the-ground efforts to facilitate civil dialogue on challenging issues that impact the Indian community. 

Hindus for Human Rights is doing exactly that through their Desh Videsh series. 

“We go into communities where there [are]high concentrations of South Asians and create opportunities for Hindus and Muslims to be able to talk about issues that are dividing the community, that are leading to more and more polarization,” explained Nikhil. 

The debut event took place in Jan 2023 at the Indian Community Center in Milpitas, California — the heart of the Bay Area and home to a large Indian population. The conversation delved into the history and severe clauses of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, along with the persecution of minority groups in India. 

By facilitating dialogue and featuring expert opinions, the initiative aims to bridge gaps between people with differing perspectives. 

While these dialogues often include both civil and uncivil disagreements, progress stems from the exposure and willingness to have these conversations. Hindus for Human Rights’ attempts at outreach and bridge-building are one-of-a-kind and happen in collaboration with many other forces. 

“All of our work is done in coalition, in partnership with Muslim groups and secular organizations. We’re coming in as a united front representing the whole diversity of the Indian diaspora” said Nikhil. The Desh Videsh series is the beginning of bridges being built between these two communities and creating a safe space for individuals to interact with those across the aisle. 

It also provides Hindus for Human Rights an opportunity to show members of the diaspora community the literal consequences of nationalism and anti-muslim sentiment, focusing specifically on cases of persecuted individuals in India.

Advocacy 

The National Crime Records Bureau in 2021 reported that over 30% of all detainees in Indian prisons were Muslims, despite the community only making up 14.2% of the total population. 

A combination of factors has kept the statistic consistent, including police bias resulting in baseless charges, inadequate representation of Muslims in law enforcement and insufficient or non-existent legal assistance. 

Faisal Khan, a victim of the Indian justice system, was associated with both Khudai Kidmatgar, a non-violent freedom movement, and the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) for the past 15 years. As an activist, he pushed for communal harmony between Hindus and Muslims. 

Khan and his group Khudai Khidmatgar conducted a journey in Brij, Uttar Pradesh, where they visited the Nand Baba Temple and were invited to pray by the priest. 

Four days later, Khan was arrested and charged with conducting Muslim prayers in a Hindu temple without permission and creating disharmony, as well as using Khudai Kidmatgar to raise funds for malicious purposes from foreign sources. The charges were filed by the same priest who had invited Faisal to pray.

Hindus for Human Rights organized numerous press conferences and met with US House of Representative officials and individuals in the State Department to voice their apprehensions regarding the events taking place in India.

“For the last several years, whenever [government agencies]have been looking for the Hindu community perspective, the only groups that are out there responding or reaching out to them are coming from the Hindu right, from the Hindu nationalist perspective,” stated Nikhil. 

The organization summoned human rights defenders and interfaith activists to speak up on Khan’s behalf. Eventually, Khan was released. 

Media coverage and international attention can be crucial in cases like these. Authoritarian governments are particularly sensitive about being publicly shamed on the global platform and don’t want these issues to be discussed beyond its borders. 

Hindus for Human Rights takes advantage of this and utilizes its influence and scope to raise awareness regarding instances such as Kahn’s and the numerous others in India who are being unjustly persecuted.

By advocating for persecuted individuals in India, spearheading campaigns against the dissemination of misinformation among the diaspora, and fostering a sense of a unified community, Hindus for Human Rights hopes to change the political climate.

“If we win the culture and politics in the states, if we increase our voice here, then our political influence becomes stronger in India,” said David Kalal, communications director for the organization, “That’s the vision, that’s what we are working towards and why I joined this organization. ”

The post Challenging Hindu Nationalism: The Work of Indian Americans for Human Rights appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

In his eight years in power, Modi has been widely successful in his promotion of a Hindu nationalist agenda, threatening the secular fabric of the nation. His party’s blatant and open expression of Islamophobia is extremely alarming.

“There is [definitely]anti-Muslim sentiment from the BJP, there has to be,” claimed Mohit Roy, a local BJP leader. “We are seeing the demographic and cultural infiltration of Muslims in India. If I was to say I don’t have [anti-Muslim sentiment], I would be lying.”

Mohit Roy’s statements are deeply troubling and indicative of where Muslims in India stand: as scapegoats for the country’s troubles. The prime minister and his party exploit anxieties related to the perceived Muslim takeover of the Hindu population, facilitated through acts like ‘love jihad,’ to advance their agenda.

‘Love jihad,’ a term coined by the political and religious right, describes a phenomenon in which Muslim men forcefully convert and marry Hindu women. Nationalist groups claim that these conversions have become a tool utilized by Muslims to alter the demographics of the country and to establish an Islamic state. 

Kolkata native Shan Ghoshal owns ProjectHinduKush, a website that propagates the idea of an ongoing genocide of Hindus both in India and overseas. He considers involuntary religious conversions to be one of the most widespread instances of violence in the nation.

According to individuals like Shan Ghoshal, monetary incentives are provided by religious leaders in the Muslim community to their adherents who successfully commit acts of ‘love jihad.’  

“There’s a price tag for it,” said Ghoshal, explaining the motives behind ‘love jihad.’ “The cash reward is better for victims of higher caste and [Muslims] believe that if they convert Hindu women, they’ll go to heaven.” 

However, despite assertions like these, India’s National Investigation Agency has found no proof to support the existence of such a phenomenon. The Minister of State for Home Affairs, G. Krishna Reddy, told the Parliament in February 2020 that “no case of ‘love jihad’ has been reported by any of the central agencies.” 

Furthermore, documents provided in response to an Rights to Information request by Article 14 show that the Kerala Police too found no evidence of ‘love jihad’ when asked to investigate complaints by the National Commission for Minorities. 

According to police, sporadic cases of deceitful behavior by unscrupulous men are not evidence of a broader conspiracy or a larger plot. It seems that accounts of ‘love jihad’ are merely misrepresentations of regular consensual relationships.

For example, Muskan, a 22-year-old who was born into a Hindu family, and her Muslim husband Rashid went to register their marriage in the Uttar Pradesh town of Moradabad in December 2021. 

Her husband was accused of violating the Uttar Pradesh Prohibition of Unlawful Religious Conversion Ordinance, better known as the ‘love jihad’ law that outlaws conversions and calls into question inter-religious marriages. He was subsequently thrown in jail and the young woman was put in a state-run shelter home. 

“In most cases we found that a Hindu girl and Muslim boy were in love and had married against their parents’ will,” said state police chief A.L. Banerjee. “These are cases of love marriages and not ‘love jihad.’”

Even though there is substantial evidence refuting the existence of ‘love jihad,’ this “fringe extremist theory” has been brought into the political mainstream by far-right Hindutva groups in India. 

‘Love jihad’ is an example of disinformation slowly and steadily spreading hate against Muslims, tainting the Hindu majority’s perceptions. Anti-Muslim disinformation is persuasive, especially for anyone seeking confirmation of their hatred and deep-seated prejudice. 

The implementation of these laws encroaches upon an individual’s freedom of religion and right to interreligious marriage. It serves as a blatant example of government overreach driven by the administration’s prejudices and animosity towards a marginalized population. This law is motivated by the notion that through conversions, Muslims will gradually overpower the Hindu population in India.

However, the plausibility of this occurring is unclear, as Hindus have consistently accounted for 85% of the population over the past 40 years. The BJP under Modi’s leadership has cultivated a deep sense of Hindu victimhood by taking advantage of apprehensions surrounding ‘love jihad’ and the growing presence of Muslims in the nation.  

The propagation of baseless beliefs and unfounded fears by Hindu nationalist organizations reduces any likelihood of peaceful coexistence between the two faiths. 

But perhaps that’s the point. That there is no desire or intent to coexist. 

“[Hindus and Muslims] have been trying for 1,400 years and it hasn’t worked,” said Ghoshal. “India becoming a Hindu Rashtra guarantees peace for everyone and the right to practice religion [as one]sees it.”

This raises concerns about the fate of the more than 172 million Muslims currently residing in India and their ability to freely exercise their religion. Due to accusations of ‘love jihad’ and the fabricated fear of Muslims overpowering the Hindu population, Muslims are encountering significant challenges.

Since the Modi government came into power, there has been a significant surge in hate crimes motivated by religion, measured by an overall increase of 30%. The situation is even more alarming when observing that Muslims have been the main target in over 78% of these incidents, according to India Spend Initiative’s Hate Crime Tracker. 

Although the Indian Constitution enshrines principles of secularism and religious freedom, it seems that they are not being implemented fairly in the case of the Muslim population. 

But singing to the tune of the BJP, Shane Ghoshal explains that the current government’s actions are very much intentional and thought through. 

“A state can never be secular. In the preamble of our constitution, the secular word was added in a non-democratic manner by [previous prime minister]Indira Gandhi. It was a dark day for Indian democracy,” says Ghoshal. “Secularism just isn’t the flavor of India.” 

Shan Ghoshal’s perspective on the subject sheds light on the delicate state of India’s secular fabric. In the face of rising Islamophobia and divisive narratives like ‘love jihad,’ the future of religious freedom and co-existence in the nation hangs in the balance. 

The post Unraveling Secularism: The Rise of Islamophobia and ‘Love Jihad’ in Modi’s India appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

The situation has reached a critical point. Street clashes between Sudan’s warring factions have exacerbated pre-existing humanitarian needs and resulted in the forced displacement of nearly 5.1 million individuals, both within Sudan and across neighboring countries. 

“25 million people, more than half the population of Sudan, [are in]need [of]humanitarian aid and protection,” said Ramesh Rajasingham, Head and Representative of OCHA in Geneva.

The current turmoil in Sudan is a consequence of yet another governmental system breakdown in the nation and is a single crisis within the broader spectrum of political challenges that have occurred throughout Sudan’s history.

In December 2018, a wave of protests erupted in the city of Atbara, driven by grievances over Sudan’s deteriorating economic crisis, escalating food prices, widespread corruption and high unemployment rates. 

These initial protests swiftly spread across the nation, eventually reaching the capital, Khartoum. By April 2019, President Omar al-Bashir was ousted by the Sudanese army following months of demonstrations, bringing an end to his three-decade-long grip on power. The military, holding considerable influence, took steps to solidify its authority by suspending the constitution and imposing a three-month state of emergency.

Protests persisted as demonstrators called for a transition of power to civilian authorities. In an effort to dismantle the protest movement, armed individuals affiliated with the RSF militia killed 128 people in what came to be known as the Khartoum massacre. 

The escalation of violence prompted Ethiopia and the African Union to step in and act as mediators. Following negotiations, civilian leaders and the military agreed to share power and establish a governing body, called the Sovereignty Council, to rule over Sudan for a three-year transition period. 

This council faced significant challenges as military authorities and civilian counterparts refused to cooperate, which, alongside mounting political tension, led to an attempted – and failed – coup by remaining members of President Bashir’s regime. 

In October 2021, a splinter faction from the civilian protesters started a sit-in in front of the presidential palace and called for a military takeover. In response, thousands of pro-democracy supporters came out on the streets in a show of continued support for civilian rule. 

General Burhan and General Daglo, responding to the protests, jointly orchestrated a military coup in 2021 which led to the dissolution of Sudan’s power-sharing government and council, as well as disruption of its transition to democracy. Burhan justified his actions by claiming it was meant to prevent a potential civil war in Sudan, citing the incitement by politicians against the military as a threat. He portrayed his actions as a transitional measure rather than a coup, aiming to maintain stability until the upcoming elections.

More than a year after the military coup, an agreement was signed by the Sudanese military and a coalition of civilian actors that forged a path to a more civilian-centered government. Under the new framework deal, the military would step back and would only be represented on a security and defense council. While the agreement was a major accomplishment and a show of compromise, its success was uncertain as it excluded formal rebel groups and others who had the capacity and power to undermine the transitional government. 

The fear of the agreement’s potential collapse materialized when conflict emerged between the military leaders concerning the integration of the RSF into the national military. Implementing military reforms to establish a competent and standardized national army was seen as one of the first steps to adhering to the internationally recognized agreement for the transfer of power. 

General Burhan advocated for the planned integration of the RSF to take place within a two-year timeframe, while Dagalo insisted on stretching it out over a decade. As a result, disagreement resulted in a struggle for power, with neither displaying any signs of relenting. 

Central Khartoum became a war zone as the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) conducted airstrikes aimed at RSF forces who in response, retaliated using artillery and anti-aircraft weaponry. 

The international community denounced the escalation of violence in Khartoum. Volker Türk, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, expressed strong condemnation for the indiscriminate violence, emphasizing that both sides had disregarded international humanitarian law. 

In an effort to hold all those undermining peace in the country, the United States and UK imposed sanctions on five businesses that have been linked with bankrolling and providing support to the Sudanese army and RSF. 

“At least 5,000 people have been killed and over 12,000 wounded” said Volker Perthes, UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Sudan. 

6.3 million people – 13% of Sudan’s population – are experiencing emergency levels of hunger – just one step from famine, with the conflict continuing to disrupt access to humanitarian aid, water, food and medicine. 

In an effort to put an end to fighting, Saudi Arabia and the United States facilitated a seven-day ceasefire on May 22 between Sudan’s army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). This temporary cessation of hostilities provided some respite and allowed limited humanitarian access. 

However, the ceasefire has since lapsed, and the subsequent ceasefires were primarily implemented to facilitate unrestricted movement and the delivery of humanitarian aid across the nation. Additionally, efforts made in July by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to mediate a peace agreement were rejected by the Sudanese army. 

So what happens now?

It’s unclear. The political landscape of Sudan has historically been unstable with a pattern of short-lived agreements. However, continued violence of this nature in Africa’s third largest country poses a real risk to destabilize the wider region and contributes to the mass exodus of the civilian population that bears the brunt of the suffering. 

With current peace talks in Jeddah stagnating, the fate of Sudan hangs in the balance. It is essential that the two military forces, with the well-being of the Sudanese people in mind, accept and adhere to a long-term ceasefire and bring an end to the hostilities.

The post What’s Happening in Sudan? appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

The Arab Spring began in Tunisia in December 2010 with the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi, a street vendor who had his vegetable stand arbitrarily seized by municipal officials. Bouazizi’s sacrificial act served as a catalyst for the revolution, with the treatment he endured igniting public anger and highlighting the economic and societal difficulties that many Tunisians were facing. 

According to Sarah Yerkes, a senior fellow at the Carnegie’s Endowment for International Peace, “corruption [was]a destabilizing force in Tunisia, infecting all levels of its economy, security, and political system.” President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, in response to nationwide protests and clashes with police and the military, tried to appease citizens by vowing to cut the price of basic commodities and promising legislative elections. 

However, the civil resistance and street protests of the revolution continued for 28 days, ending with President Ben Ali abdicating his position and fleeing to Saudi Arabia. 

In the following months, the administration of former Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi worked to maintain the state and provide the framework for the country’s first democratic parliamentary elections. The alleged democratic success present in Tunisia inspired protests in other countries with similar authoritarian governments. However, these were not as successful, with Tunisia being marked the sole success story of the Arab Spring. 

Tunisia’s successes were, unfortunately, short-lived. With the recent governmental changes made under Tunisian President Kais Saied’s leadership, the country is slowly backsliding into authoritarianism, reversing decades worth of efforts for democratization. 

Saied, a 61-year-old law professor with no prior political experience, was elected in 2019 on an anti-corruption platform, winning more than 72% of votes from individuals across the political spectrum. 

Early in his term, Saied began to criticize Tunisia’s 2014 constitution, claiming that it was incredibly flawed with the current distribution of powers only resulting in a political deadlock. He believed that the current system would do nothing to fix the corruption persisting with the largest party in parliament, Ennahda. 

Coupled with the president’s statements, the unstable economy and inadequate response to the COVID-19 pandemic convinced many Tunisians in early 2021 to take to the streets, demanding that the government step down.

Thus, when Saied invoked Article 80 of the Tunisian Constitution months later on July 25, 2021, effectively removing Prime Minister Hichem Mechichi and suspending parliament, Tunisians celebrated and considered it to be a win for democracy and a sign of potential reform.

“The president’s decision to suspend parliament and dismiss the government with the backing of the army and the security forces, while putting limitations on press freedom and making threats of violence, cannot be defined as anything other than a coup d’etat,” explains Tunisian academic Haythem Guesm.

On the one year anniversary of his presidential coup, Said released a draft of the new Tunisian constitution which would give the head of state full executive control, supreme command of the army, and the ability to appoint a government without parliamentary approval.

Tunisians participated in a constitutional referendum vote that would determine whether the proposed amendments to the constitution would be implemented. The referendum was considered controversial, with various opposition groups and civil society organizations calling for a boycott. Despite this, the constitution was approved with 94.6% of the votes, but with less than 30.5% voter turnout.

In the parliamentary elections held in December 2022 and runoffs in January, the Tunisian opposition parties persisted with their boycott and the voter turnout was meager, with only 11% of the electorate participating in either election. Critics of President Kais Saied argued that the low voter turnout was indicative of the public’s disapproval of his political agenda and his assumption of executive powers. 

According to government authorities, a significant number of Tunisians who backed Saied’s 2021 seizure of power are now growing increasingly frustrated due to the surging inflation and poverty rates, which are impacting approximately 20% of the country’s 12 million residents.

“The coup has brought us famine and poverty. Yesterday the grocer gave me just one kilo of macaroni and a can of milk,” said Nouha, a woman protesting the shortages of essential goods. 

With Saied prioritizing the consolidation of power over addressing the long-standing economic turmoil, an increasing number of Tunisians are leaving their homeland in search of better job prospects and living conditions elsewhere.

Some Tunisians are anxious about the possibility of a resurgence of the authoritarian regime they experienced under the dictatorial rule of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. 

Beginning in early February, the government in the North African nation has detained over 20 political dissidents and public figures who have denounced Saied’s actions of shutting down parliament, ruling by decree, and subsequently, revising the constitution, labeling it as a coup. 

Last week, the main opposition leader and former Speaker of Parliament Rached Ghannouchi was arrested on suspicion of plotting against internal state security. 

“The arrests represent a troubling escalation by the Tunisian government against perceived opponents,” State Department deputy spokesperson Vedant Patel said.

The future of democracy in Tunisia is unclear. The shift towards a super presidency in Tunisia, the erosion of its democratic institutions, and abuse of power is disheartening, especially considering that the country was one of the few concrete achievements to emerge from the Arab Spring. 

It is a matter of conjecture whether the Tunisian government will recognize the significance of political pluralism and work towards its preservation. Ultimately, only time will tell which direction Tunisia takes and what impact it has on the country and the wider region.

The post Tunisia’s Reversion to Autocracy appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

Proudly dressed in a white kufi with his long beard, a “war kills children” sign hanging from his neck and me sitting on his shoulders, he marched for miles. I don’t remember any of it, of course. But a picture of us has been framed in his house for years.

As a post 9/11 baby, I grew up in an era of war. I took my first steps during the height of the invasion of Afghanistan, won my first spelling bee at the start of the Syrian civil war and walked the stage of my 8th grade graduation near the triggering of the Yemen conflict. 

The War on Terror effectively brought us to where we are today — desensitized and numb to the reality of conflict. But it’s important to understand the human cost. 

At least 929,000 people have been killed by direct violence in Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen and Pakistan. The number of refugees and displaced persons from the United States-led post 9/11 wars are estimated to be around 48-59 million. 

To put things in perspective, that’s equivalent to the entire population of South Africa. 

Approximately 22% of the world’s refugee population lives in camp settings. Zaatari, as the largest refugee camp in the Middle East and the setting for my sophomore summer, serves as a symbol of the long-running Syrian conflict.  

Located approximately 65 kilometers from the Jordanian-Syrian border, in the center of the desolate Syrian desert, the camp has provided shelter and sustenance to over 80,000 individuals in the past 11 years. 

Many refugees, most of them women and children, fled from the southern Syrian state of Dara’a to the camp on foot, some with nothing but the clothes on their back and what little they could fit into their pockets. 

Deprived of basic needs, adequate access to education and healthcare, and housed in caravans built from scrap metal, they yearn to go back to Syria. 

Gassem, an inhabitant of Zaatari since 2013, somehow maintains an embryonic garden of sprouting beans, corn and tomato plants despite abysmal conditions. To him and many others, it serves as a reminder of what they all once had.

“I want to see green again,” said the then-24-year-old, who worked as a vegetable seller in Dara’a. “Green reminds me of home.”

Qassim Lubbad, who also fled from the southern governante in May 2013, has now fathered three children here in the camp.

“When I talk to my children about Syria, and tell them that we have family there, they ask me: What is Syria?” 

For the 16,000 children that have been born within the camp’s confines since its inception in 2012, this is the reality. With refugees becoming more familiar with the arid desert surroundings than their own homeland, the memory of Syria in Zaatari is slowly dying. 

And along with it, the hope of ever returning. 

For Gassem and others like him, over a decade has been lost to the ravages of war. The displacement of over 40 million — and perhaps as many as 59 million over the course of 12 years — raises the question of who bears responsibility for repairing the damage inflicted. 

The short answer? We do. 

The United States’ military actions and alliances are directly contributing to the very crises humanitarians are trying to resolve. It’s the great American paradox.

“The country, actually bombing cities to rubble and waging wars that kill millions of people, presents itself as a well-intentioned force for good in the world,” explained Nicolas Davies and Medea Benjamin. 

From 2001 to 2021, the United States has launched a total of 154,078 bombs and missiles in Iraq and Syria, with a considerable number targeting the same southern governorate that Syrian families like Qassim’s were escaping.

Within the same timeframe, the United States has only resettled 23,364 Syrian refugees, a number that pales in comparison to the magnitude of the crisis. Jordan, despite being a considerably smaller country, has made significant efforts to support the 1.3 million Syrian refugees currently under its care. 

The United States’ commitment to humanitarianism is nothing but an empty promise when it fails to employ its resources to assist yet another casualty of its flawed foreign policy. 

Our nation is more successful at creating refugees than it is housing them. 

For the millions of people residing in regions of ongoing armed conflict due to the United States-led post-9/11 wars, all they can do is flee a hell the United States created and pray for refuge. 

The post The Human Cost of War: The Syrian Refugee Crisis appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

The situation in Yemen has been at the center of discussion for many government officials and humanitarian aid organizations. Often overlooked within these discussions is the direct relationship between Yemen’s political state and welfare and children’s access to education. According to a report published by UNICEF, “Yemeni children’s education has become one of the greatest casualties of Yemen’s devastating and ongoing conflict.” Approximately 2 million children no longer attend school due to the overly disruptive nature of the conflict. 

The country has become a volatile playground for regional and international powers. In accordance with government statements, the United States remains in Yemen for anti-extremism and counterterrorism operations. Saudi Arabia, in collaboration with other Gulf states, continues its massive intervention in Yemen in hopes of restoring the previous government administration and freeing the country from Iran’s influence. Yet, these two nations alone have conducted between 20,624 and 56,000 airstrikes since March 2015, many of which hit numerous civilians and non-affiliated properties. Residential homes, educational facilities, hospitals, weddings, farms, grocery stores, mosques, school buses and water wells being a few of the casualties. The presence of foreign powers has undeniably worsened the conditions in which citizens are living, with reports of various human rights and international humanitarian law violations being committed by both parties to the conflict. 

Due to this, the work of humanitarian organizations is more important than ever. Without the necessary humanitarian intervention, the number of children obstructed from receiving an education could easily increase to 6 million, severely stunting the development of generations of children.

One of the leading causes of education disruption in Yemen is the lack of staff and educational infrastructure available to children. Over two-thirds of the country’s education workforce, approximately 170,000 teachers, have gone without compensation for over four years. Many have had to rely on secondary sources of income and/or have left the education sector entirely out of financial necessity. In 2017, a massive union strike over the suspension of teachers’ salaries forced thousands of schools to shut their doors. Educators were forced to pursue employment that could better help financially support their families, which left thousands of children out of school. The lack of consistent access to education and sufficient salaries for teachers leads to significant teacher absenteeism, worsens students’ educational development, and reduces the quality of schooling. 

More than 3,600 schools are also out of commission, with over two-thirds having been damaged by violent attacks or occupied by armed forces. According to UNICEF estimates, approximately 184 schools were used as shelter for individuals displaced by violence, and at least one out of five schools in Yemen are unusable due to the Houthi insurgency. The schools that remain open have extensive infrastructural damages, are often half-demolished with walls penetrated by artillery, and are generally unsafe for use. Makeshift schools with rudimentary infrastructure have served as replacements but don’t serve the same educational value. 

Yemen’s development plans emphasize the importance of education for post-conflict peace sustainability, reconstructing the economy and rebuilding the state of Yemen to what it once was, making this even more devastating. Newer generations of Yemeni youth being deprived of public education also makes them more susceptible to indoctrination and recruitment as child soldiers — a prevalent issue in Yemen’s war. A total collapse of literacy, for instance, would force a greater dependence on the morally gray government for information and would inevitably contribute to the radicalization of the community as children out of school face increased risks of exploitation, unemployment and poverty. The war, and the continuous airstrikes carried on by the United States and Saudi Arabia, are reported to also contribute to the radicalization of the local population and a rise in anti-western sentiment. While these acts of violence cannot be stopped by the work of NGOs and humanitarian aid organizations, education can be utilized as a preventative tool for radicalization, saving numerous vulnerable children and individuals who turn to extremist groups out of anger, fear, and desperation. 

 A general increase in violence and reported attacks on educational facilities by parties of the conflict also fuels parents’ fear and hesitancy to send their children to school. A Saudi-led coalition warplane, sold to Riyadh by the United States, was used to bomb a school bus of children in 2018. Over 40 were killed, 79 injured, and many who survived still suffer from daily psychological and physical struggles. 60% of children who attend a school that faces a security risk do not return to the classroom. Events like these occur often, with attacks on over 460 schools in the past five years. Fears of rebel recruitment and repeated attacks paralyze parents with fear and doubts about their children’s safety and subsequently contribute to the drop-out rate of primary and lower secondary-aged youth. 

Children who do not complete their schooling are often trapped in self-perpetuating cycles of poverty. Education, like many other factors, is heavily linked to economic growth. A 2021 study published by Munich’s Ludwig Maximilian University and Stanford University reported that, between 1960 and 2000, increased math and science skills were linked to over 75% of the growth in gross domestic product around the world. Many of the systematic barriers individuals face can be mitigated with education tailored to the community’s needs and would subsequently help promote socio-economic mobility. In a country where over 84.5% of children live in poverty, the importance of education is even clearer. 

However, factors like the related educational costs of institutions in Yemen, especially in Houthi-controlled areas, make education unattainable to many families that do not have regular sources of income. The Houthis, the rebel movement that controls the vast majority of Yemen’s northern region, have made significant efforts to privatize public schools to increase revenue. School fees have grown to over 5,000 rials for every student enrolled, a substantial percentage of most Yemeni salaries. Because of the unaffordability of education in these areas, around 23% of children aged 5 to 14 are forced to participate in child labor to help support their families. The Houthis’ privatization of state-owned schools has irrevocably impacted the future of education in Yemen as it has also allowed these armed factions to implement  “politico-religious agendas of warring parties” in schools as a way of finding ideologically committed recruits. The Houthis have made significant strides to strengthen faith identity in Yemen by implementing arbitrary restrictions that work to disproportionately affect women, their abilities to have access to education, and socio-economic mobility.

The combined effects of the pandemic, the latest assault on education and the ongoing war have and will continue to have irreparable effects on the mental health and developmental well-being of youth and adolescents in Yemen. The untold victims of this war are the children who have undeniably faced the brunt of the conflict. In collaboration with other non-governmental entities, the UN must take the initiative to mandate non-politicized education as a right for the sake of the thousands in Yemen. 

The post The Education Crisis in Yemen appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.