However, it is not an isolated event. Over the past twenty years, Russia has participated in what has become known as passportization platforms in Georgia and Ukraine, fast-tracking or issuing Russian passports to breakaway regions to increase presence and political pull in areas of interest. In fact, on April 24, 2019, just four years before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Putin signed a decree expediting Russian passport citizenship procedures for Ukrainians living in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions.

What Russia’s actions demonstrate on a broader scale is that passports have become powerful tools in international relations, thereby influencing not only the movement but also the benefits, identities and rights of individuals. Sometimes, passports have even demarcated who is allowed to leave active warzones, with early evacuation out of the Gaza Strip into Egypt segmented by citizenship, and only foreign or dual passport holders allowed to make the Rafah crossing. How society has gotten to this point, and the mechanisms in which passport and citizenship processes have been abused and complicated over the past decades, open conversation regarding the history and present status of these travel documents. 

A Brief History of the Passport

The creation of the contemporary passport system is often attributed to the aftermath of World War I, where after mass refugee displacements, an international effort by the League of Nations began implementing protocols for organized state recognition and travel.

Yet, there is evidence that nations have been trying to classify and control individuals’ movements for much longer. Reports have been discovered of ancient China as early as the 3rd century BCE employing a check-point system of wood-written documents called zhuan to determine who was allowed in or out of the country’s borders. Early attempts illustrate that the policy of inclusion and exclusion regarding citizenship and the state has proved pivotal to the creation of travel documents, in whichever form, to confirm ones belonging to a particular political entity. 

Golden Passport and Visa Programs

Since then, exactly who is allowed to receive documentation has become an extremely contentious topic. Over the past three years, Europe in particular has been cracking down on what are known as “golden passports” or “golden visas,” investment programs providing official documents to foreigners who invest a set amount into a country’s economy. These programs were created to ease national financial burdens and promote foreign contributions to housing, cultural or scientific exploits and financial funds. 

However, several programs were critiqued and shut down after claims of corruption and security concerns. For instance, Cyprus ended its golden passport program after an investigation accused several government officials of approving passports to ineligible applicants with prior criminal records. Furthermore, earlier this year in Jan 2024, Portugal also announced it would be revising the rules for its golden visas after pressure from the European Commission to shut down financial investment document programs altogether. 

The aim of many of these initiatives was to incentivize foreign direct investment in domestic economic sectors, and according to the London School of Economics, they have, in part, been successful, with the predominant market for the programs coming from China, the Middle East and Russia. Nevertheless, what makes these programs controversial is their inherent access inequality, allowing wealthy individuals greater possibilities and loopholes to earn citizenship benefits.

Freedom of movement has long dictated and been a prominent discussion regarding migration practices, and golden visas create a fast track for the wealthy to gain an ulterior advantage. Furthermore, without proper bureaucratic and accountability measures, abuse of golden passport and visa programs remains a prominent concern regardless of the economic benefit. 

Citizenship Requirements and “Birth-Tourism”

In addition to golden passport programs, arguments over how citizenship is granted in the first place returned to the domestic mainstream after presidential candidate Donald Trump recently re-proposed revising the United States’ birthright citizenship structure, which, under the Constitution, grants everyone born on U.S. soil automatic national citizenship. Trump’s suggestions came after a conservative push to deny children of immigrants entering the United States illegally American citizenship. 

The United States’ current birthright citizenship structure retains much of its history in the aftermath of the Civil War, where, to prevent the creation of citizenship classes following the abolition of slavery, the 14th Amendment ensured that anyone born on U.S. territory would be entitled to citizenship benefits. From that point on, challenges to this system have often been presented in relation to immigration practices. Yet, the 1898 Supreme Court Case of United States v. Wong Kim Ark protected and upheld that children of immigrants born on U.S. soil are entitled to American citizenship under the 14th Amendment. Wong Kim Ark was brought before the Supreme Court during the period when the Chinese Exclusion Act denied citizenship to Chinese immigrants to the United States, illustrating the ways the United States’ own naturalization platforms over citizenship have historically been racially motivated and restrictive.

Now, the United States is not alone in granting birthright citizenship. However, countries around the world differ in their primary citizenship requirements. For instance, many European countries operate under the “right of the blood,” with citizenship tied to that of the parent, regardless of where somebody is initially born. 

In December 2020, the Trump administration also passed new visa rules to target the practice of what has become referred to as “birth tourism,” or pregnant women giving birth abroad to provide their children additional citizenship. The new visa rules limit the granting of B-non-immigrant visas unless the applicant in question proves medical reasons for the visit and reports proof of payment, a policy that has remained under the Biden administration. 

Passport Fees and Economic Barriers

Globalization and increased mechanisms for transportation and travel have also led to what has been characterized as the “commodification” of passports. In the 2010s, during the Syrian refugee crisis, the underground economy for passports soared, and the Syrian government faced backlash for increasing passport prices to over $400 in 2014 with the aim of increasing government income. 

Syria’s policy illustrates how passports are used as money-making schemes, both through legal and illegal channels. In the modern era, passports are the cornerstone dictating movement between states, which has opened the door for individuals to take advantage of those in need of travel documentation to immigrate or leave their country of origin. Passport fees have become tools for governments to restrict emigration. For instance, in 2022, it was reported that a Lebanese passport valid for 10 years cost approximately 10,000,000 L.L., or $663. 

The nature of the passport system is inherently hierarchical, and provides citizens of developed nations clear mobility privileges, giving them access to most countries Visa-free. Despite being initially created as a standardized identification system, passports, and their subsequent citizenship promises, have become political and economic leverage tools for countries and groups around the globe. Policy debates over citizenship requirements, Russia’s passportization and golden visa programs highlight the need for caution when looking at passports’ evolution in domestic and international relations. 

Following 9/11, travel, visa and passport processes have become more stringent to prioritize national security. However, recent global developments evidence discussions of passport arrangements that must balance security concerns while keeping in mind the ways passports are equipped as dividers and captors of movement. 

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In May 2023, this acute rainfall caused severe flooding in Italy’s northern region of Emilia Romagna. What began with reports of incoming bad weather concluded with flooding that impacted 50 municipalities, displaced over 30,000 people and caused damages nearing billions of dollars in the agricultural and infrastructure sectors.

The flooding marked one of the worst environmental emergencies for the region since an earthquake in 2012. However, to understand the nature of the event and how the government is handling its aftermath, it is first important to gain a better picture of the conditions and consequences that defined Emilia Romagna’s dark summer season.  

The Flooding – Causes and Aggravating Variables

Starting May 1, Emilia Romagna saw rainfall in the provinces of Bologna, Ravenna and Forlì-Cesena. After an impending storm warning coming in from the Mediterranean, the region reported 200 millimeters of rainfall in 24 hours, equaling over two standard months of rainfall in a single day. In response, Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni declared a state of emergency.  

The situation was exacerbated further by the soil’s inability to retain water. The 2022 droughts slowed the soil’s capacity to absorb water, worsening the severity of May’s massive water inputs. Additionally, terrain in the impacted areas was unable to drain, because two weeks later, the regions saw renewed, heavier rainfall totaling 300 millimeters. These conditions made it almost impossible to counteract the rising water volumes. In many areas, it was reported that torrent water levels rose as much as 20 meters, making it extremely difficult for city officials and individuals to properly react in time. 

Furthermore, Emilia’s geographic makeup is composed of hundreds of narrow waterways and many counties in the region of Romagna specifically do not have extended detention ponds as sources for helping barrier rainfall residue. 

Since the flooding, the regional government has been heavily criticized due to reports that it was provided national funds between 2015-2022 to invest in the development of these mechanisms, but approximately half of the projects were still in development or not operational at the time of the flooding. This discovery increased conversation over preparation protocols for environmental emergencies, particularly regarding improved canal maintenance and cleaning on the part of city officials.  

Additionally, the severity of the May rainfalls has been linked to climate change. The University of Padova released a summary study explaining that climate change has increased temperatures and changed the circulation patterns in the Mediterranean region, affecting the predominance of rainfall in Western Europe. 

As such, Emilia Romagna’s flooding demonstrates that lack of government planning and infrastructure, when brought into contact with drought and climate change concerns, amplified the floods’ severity. 

Damages, Response and Current Developments 

The flooding left many cities, such as the town of Conselice, vastly underwater for weeks. It has been estimated that infrastructure damage to houses and public buildings is near 8 billion dollars. However, causing alarm is also the floods’ effects to the region’s agricultural landscape. Emilia Romagna produces over 20% of Italy’s vegetables, but since the flood some of the region’s largest agricultural produce companies are facing years of losses and rebuilding programs. 

The regional government has estimated that 21,000 agriculture enterprises have been impacted, covering 45% of Emilia Romagna’s agricultural area. Furthermore, studies are still underway to determine the geographic effect on the soil itself. The heavy water levels have largely destroyed the soil structure, particularly the porous part of the terrain in charge of circulating air through the root systems, causing many fruit and wheat plots to die of an asphyxiated environment.

After the summer months, the situation has improved, with water levels removed. However, Italy is now faced with the challenging aftermath of dealing with clean-up efforts and public health consequences.

In many cities, the government issued health advisories and sent mandatory tetanus vaccinations due to sewage systems overflowing and contaminated waterways increasing the risk of infections and bacterial exposure. Nearing the beginning of the summer season, many of Romagna’s tourist beach areas, better known as “lidi,” have also prohibited bathability, impacting the tourism industry. 

Yet, since the flooding, the region has reported expressive displays of solidarity from citizens and the general public. Echoing back to Florence’s flooding incidents in the 1960s, Romagna saw the arrival of “angeli del fango” or “‘mud angels,” a group of volunteers that helped organize the impacted areas to shuttle out waste, as well as aiding individuals in saving residences and personal appliances. The flooding led to mass public support, with some of Italy’s biggest names in the music industry organizing a benefit concert June 24 in conjunction with the culture ministry to raise money for the region. 

Next Steps and Continuity

The more pressing question has become how the government will work at supporting citizens and mitigating the public infrastructure damages. Italy’s population at large does not own extensive insurance coverage. Citizens vastly rely on public government services in exchange for tax payments. Flooding left thousands of people displaced, most of whom do not have any insurance covering their properties in the case of environmental disasters. Worry stems over how Italy’s already largely indebted government will now meet rising pressures to distribute emergency checks to citizens who have lost everything. Italy announced the regional government of Emilia Romagna has been provided an 8 million euro fund, 5,000 per family, for urgent intervention for citizens reporting damages. Furthermore, the government announced on Sept. 25, that beginning Nov. 15 the platform “Sfinge,” used in the past to organize restoration efforts, will be made available for affected businesses and individuals to request compensation. However, criticism over past government aid has laid at the foundation of its bureaucratic steps, which delayed fund distribution and projects for years.

The flooding marked for Emilia Romangna one of the worst environmental emergencies in decades. However, it served as a powerful reminder to remember the upcoming consequences of climate change in tandem with the vitality of well-maintained government services and protocols. The true test will emerge as reconstruction begins and plans come to light over how Emilia Romagna will work to rebuild its agricultural, infrastructure and residential environment. Taking lessons from this flood will be crucial, particularly because the Higher Institute for Environmental Protection and Research (ISPRA) reported Emilia Romagna stands at a much greater flood risk than the rest of the country due to its plains and lowlands, with climate change looming in the horizon. 

The post The Aftermath of 30,000 People Displaced: How Italy is Handling Emilia Romagna’s Flooding Crisis appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

The reform plan, which aimed to raise the retirement age from 62 to 64 years old, was proposed to ease the financial burden of France’s public pension system. It passed on March 16 with President Macron overriding Parliament after two failed votes of no confidence. However, the reform faced extreme backlash from unions and citizens, who took to the streets to oppose the bill and its reverberant consequences on France’s working population. Most recently, on March 7, over one million people participated in the demonstrations, which blockaded eight of France’s largest oil refineries. 

The protests have bridged political divides and presented questions of working conditions and social welfare. In this way, France’s predicament highlights a growing issue on the global sphere: rapidly aging populations. 

The World Economic Forum has recently estimated that the number of persons over 65 years old is expected to reach 1.6 billion by 2050. As such, providing care and support to seniors is projected as one of the next decades’ most pressing policies. With countries such as Japan holding the highest proportion of people over 60, at 28.7%, many countries’ demographics present a red flag to governments who will have to tackle what the International Monetary Fund has labeled the next long-term global crisis. 

So how does France’s predicament apply to pensions and understanding how the global community will tackle their impending demographic pyramids? 

The build-up to French reforms

The 20th century’s advancements in life expectancy, coupled with a decline in birth rates, has spurred an increasing number of older adults in comparison to younger populations. While people are generally living longer, healthier lives, the old-age dependency ratio, the proportion of young people working to support retirees, has steadily increased over the past 20 years. This means many countries have been left dealing with how to afford social security. Just in 2023, France was among the countries with the highest ratio, sitting at 55.8%, meaning there are less than two working-age people per aging individual. 

This has made the question of sustainability the core of the French government’s rhetoric toward its proposed pension reform. Premier Elisabeth Borne presented that there have not been enough worker contributions to sustain pension spending, leading to large government expenditures in order to bridge the gap. In 2020, France’s spending made up 13.7% of its annual GDP, making the system among the most costly in Europe. 

Yet, while France’s impending pressures are acknowledged, many labor unions claim the government has exaggerated estimations. According to a recent report by France’s Pension Guidance Council, although the pensions system will trend towards deficit in the coming years, it is currently in surplus. Therefore, citizens have proclaimed the government should find an alternative financing solution that will not have a detrimental impact on the older population.

Among the negative issues raised by protestors is that of the senior unemployment rate. France has one of the lowest employment rates among EU nations for individuals between 55-64 years, raising concerns over how the government will help support job opportunities for the elderly.

France’s system at a glance and the build up to reform

Currently, an individual in France needs at least 62 years of age to apply for a state pension. The country’s system operates along a continuum depending on when someone started working, their occupation and special circumstances accrued.

Citizens born after 1968 need approximately 41 years of working experience to obtain full pensions, which range at an estimated 1000-1200 euros. If the minimum contributions are not met, France provides old-age pensions to all citizens over 67 years old. 

The schemes, however, are centered around a mandatory pay-as-you-go structure, where the current workforce helps maintain and pay contributions to retirees. The recipient’s pension amounts are centered around a points system, where individuals accumulate points based on their career experiences and salaries to gain additional benefits. 

The most recent proposal stems from Macron’s movement to universalize the system and gradually remove the specialized pension schemes. All steps he believes will help stabilize the system and save the government over 12 billion euros. Macron claims raising the retirement age will increase the minimum pensions by an average of 800 euros and avoid worse measures such as increasing the contributions of current workers, raising payroll taxes or cutting funding from other government programs. 

Nevertheless, unionists have proposed an array of different solutions which they believe more justly treats the older populations, such as raising taxes on businesses and employers to fund retirement costs. Although Macron has stated that he wants the government to work out solutions to push corporations to share more profits with workers and ensure corporations are taxed on super-profits, in a recently translated interview with the news outlet France 24, the French president avoided further comment on this proposal. Macron held that raising the retirement age was the only solution to balance spending. 

Policy Issues

Raising the retirement age is not a new phenomenon. Since 2012, over 82% of the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) member countries have undergone increases. Just in 2011, Italy passed its retirement reform, which aimed to raise the retirement age to 67 years old.

Yet what France signals is a purview of policy issues that arise along with an aging population. Starting from social security and support, France opened Pandora’s box to possibilities regarding modernizing pension systems to support retirees. 

One of the most commonly implemented measures to change the pension system, particularly in Asian and Nordic countries, is the introduction of Automatic Adjustment Mechanisms (AAMs). AAMs are a series of fixed rules to evolve pension systems to changing criterias. Popular AAMs include Notional Defined Contribution Scheme (NDCs), which alter pension benefits to life expectancy through a series of formulas in a pay-as-you-go system, and balancing mechanisms which calculate the minimum rate to finance the system for the next 75 years. 

Automatic Adjustment Mechanisms were adopted by both Japan and Germany in 2004 to help maintain balance within their pension systems. Although they have been criticized in the past for depoliticizing the system, they are held to varying degrees in multiple European countries, excluding France, who does not have any. 

There have also been proposals regarding private sector pension plans, which entails more substantial, structural changes to the system. Currently, France’s only private pension scheme is known as PER, where individuals can invest into their own retirement funds over the course of their career. In contrast, in the United Kingdom, private pension schemes are much more popular and emphasized by the government. While some have proposed this change would help lessen pressures, the private-centered model would require drastic changes, making this type of reform unlikely.

Macron’s decision marks a hard line countries face in moving towards the sustainability of social security. However, if raising the retirement age is harshly against public opinion, countries will have to invest in researching alternative solutions, structural or formulaic, to ensure the shifts will not place more weight on retirees. 

In fact, there has been a push for countries to work towards reaching what has been coined the ‘silver economy,’ an economy geared more towards the elderly, through a series of policies to emphasize and grow the involvement of individuals over 60. This would include promoting more flexible working models to encourage a longer and more sustainable work period, as well as incentivising private investment in innovations, and making it easier for individuals to enter the labor force. Scholars believe that by increasing support and incentives for the older populations, countries can transition toward later retirement periods without large public disapproval, particularly among individuals with more labor intensive careers. 

Ultimately, it remains to be seen how France’s reforms will develop. The proposal may have been pushed through parliament but protests are nowhere near ceasing. What France evidences is that it is not simply enough to propose raising the retirement age. Rather, countries need to implement more long-term investments and proposals to solve social security financing. If not, reactive measures, no matter how justified, will only fuel backlash from the public. Especially in a country where over 70% of the public opposes reform. 

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After not receiving authorization to fly directly into Algeria, Morocco’s decision marked only the next in a series of increasing tensions between the two countries. Algeria cut off diplomatic ties with Morocco in 2021 following the announcement of the Morocco-Israel normalization agreement and alleged Moroccan support of the Kabyle movement, a separatist group representing the autonomy rights of the ethnic Kabyle people in Algeria. 

The situation precipitated on the first night of CHAN Jan. 13, when the opening speaker called for the freedom of the Western Sahara, a disputed territory bordering Morocco, Algeria and Mauritania. The statement faced direct backlash from the Moroccan government, who proclaimed the statements provocative and called for an investigation by the Confederation of African Football. However, the comments reawakened conversation regarding the status and situation of the Western Sahara, a territory which has been in a state of flux for over 50 years. 

The Western Sahara has been in the realm of international policy, a largely unfinished story. Despite multiple attempts over the years to resolve the conflict and international pressure from entities such as the International Court of Justice and the United Nations, the territory touches a nerve among Morocco’s sovereignty claims and want of total independence by the Polisario Front, the organized group opposing Morocco’s occupation of the Western Sahara. 

The situation has even regressed with time, the Polisario breaking a 29-year ceasefire with Morocco in the winter of 2020.

Yet as further analysis emphasizes, the conflict reaches far deeper than a border dispute, and to understand why the Western Sahara has become such a longlasting dispute it’s first important to look at its history and developments. Questions of sovereignty,  ethnic identities, natural resources and regional dominance have left the territory at a very peculiar crossroads, one that has only heightened tensions between Morocco and neighboring Algeria. 

History and Background of the Western Sahara dispute 

Geography, native populations and Spanish colonization

Starting in the 18th and 19th century, West Sahara, home to approximately 600,000 indigenous Saharawi people,was subject to European colonization when in 1884, Spain colonized and created the artificial borders of what would be coined the Spanish Sahara—today the Western Sahara—after the Berlin Conference.

Around the same period, France and Spain started increasing presence and claims over Morocco, and it was not until 1956 that Morocco regained independence from France and started pressing for liberation from the Spanish protectorate. It was around this time that the newly independent Morocco started laying claims over what had become the Western Sahara. 

The subsequent decade saw an international push for decolonization. The UN passed the Declaration on the Granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and, in 1963, placed the Western Sahara on its list of Non-Self governing territories. However, that same year, huge phosphate reserves were discovered in the Western Sahara, increasing Spanish investment and interests in the region. 

Then, in 1973, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro (Polisario Front) was created to represent Saharawi interests by a group of university students and exiles in Mauritania and Southern Morocco. The group represented the first united effort calling for Saharawi nationalism and the establishment of an independent state for the Western Sahara following the Spanish created borders. 

Impact of International Law and the Madrid Accords

The situation reached its most significant developments in terms of international status in 1974, when Spain announced its plan for hosting a UN sponsored referendum on the status of the Western Sahara. Yet there were several delays and competing discussions and the question of sovereignty was taken up to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). 

The ICJ was asked to determine the strength of both Morocco’s and Mauritania’s claims over the Western Sahara, as well as Spain’s position that it was terra nullius, or nobody’s land, at the time of its colonization. 

The court issued its advisory opinion on Oct. 15 the next year, finding that there was no tie of territorial sovereignty between the Western Sahara and Morocco and Mauritania. While the court recognized some legal ties formed during the periods of Morocco’s sultan presence in the land, it ruled in favor of self-determination over the territory. This ruling has been key in international law in countering Morocco’s occupation over the area. 

After the opinion was released however, Morocco’s King, Hassan II, issued a radio and television address calling for people to march into the Western Sahara. What later became known as the Green March, consisted of over 350,000 people peacefully entering the Spanish-held territory. The march placed further pressure on Spain, which was in a state of flux during the end period of the Franco regime and did not want to engage in further conflicts. 

This led to Madrid Accords, an agreement which announced Morocco and Mauritania would be replacing Spanish administration over the Western Sahara to determine the next steps. 

Following the ICJ’s announcement, on Feb. 27, 1976, the Polisario established the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic government in exile and started setting up the first refugee camps in Algeria after being denied direct participation in the accords. Although Algeria has made no territorial claims over the Western Sahara, it started and to this day continues to be among the Polisario’s strongest supporters due to strategic interests and access to the Atlantic coast and fear of Moroccan expansion. 

Armed conflict and failed UN Resolutions

Guerilla warfare ensued between the Polisario, Moroccan and Mauritanian forces, and in 1979, after prolonged conflict and losses, Mauritania renounced its claims over the southern half of the territory. Mauritania had recently suffered a military coup and could not sustain continued fighting in the region. 

Nevertheless, fighting between Morocco and the Polisario continued until 1989, when both sides agreed to a  UN ceasefire. The conflict occupied over half of Morocco’s army, who had built an over 2400 km sand wall known as the Berm to separate and hinder the Polisario’s guerilla tactics. 

After the ceasefire, a series of agreements were built and subsequently failed to hold referendums and policies in the Western Sahara. Over 20 years have passed since the creation of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) in 1991, which aimed to plan and hold a referendum to offer the Western Sahara independence or integration within Morocco, known as the Settlement Plan. Yet the parties’ difficulty in agreeing over the identification of voters for the referendum and irreconcilable positions have led to large diplomatic failures to implement a solution. 

Since, the parties have been stuck in a stalemate. Morocco introduced in 2007 its own plan, which would grant the Western Sahara autonomy but with no hope of independence by referendum and since its proposal, King Mohammed VI has remained stauch that Moroccan sovereignty over the territory is not up for negotiation.  

This stagnation has led to increasing frustrations on behalf of the Polisario Front, who after Moroccan forces entered the buffer-zone of the territory in November of 2020, announced an end to the cease-fire, effectively re-flaming hostilities. 

Moroccan interests

So why is Morocco so interested in the Western Sahara? Morocco’s claims and wants over the territory are generally sub-divided into two main categories: nationalistic visions and natural resources. 

During the period of Moroccan independence under Morocco’s National Liberation Army, Allal Al-Fassi, considered by many as the father of the Moroccan nationalism movement, put forth the vision of Greater Morocco. The term referred to a movement for Morocco to gain back and reassert its influence over the pre-colonial Sultanate areas that encompassed the entirety of the Sahara. This area would include the Western Sahara, which according to the administration, had deep religious and legal ties with Morocco reaching back to the 11th and 12th century. Despite evolution since Al-Fassi’s original proposal, much of Morocco’s rhetoric towards the Western Sahara originates from this standpoint of reuniting and taking back what it argues was and remains an integral part of the Kingdom. 

However, multiple international entities have denounced these subsequent claims, finding that the peoples of the Western Sahara had founded and established their own shared ways of life and system of organization. 

The Polisario has also accused Morocco of taking advantage of its natural resources. Control over the Western Sahara would give Morocco un-breached access and power over territory’s large phosphate reserves. Just in 2016, Morocco announced it was launching a $1.8 billion investment plan in the Western Sahara. 

In addition to phosphate reserves, the territory also has significant access to fishing resources along its coastline, and debates over trade agreements have sparked intense outrage. Just in 2018, the European Court of Justice struck down a fishing agreement between the European Union and Morocco because it included the Western Sahara territory. The Western Sahara has been reported as having rich coastlines, making it appealing to many international and regional actors. 

Humanitarian crisis and aid

Since the conflict resumed, questions regarding the well-being and status of the refugee and Saharawi population have been raised. The European Union recently approved a $5.4 million grant to help the refugee populations in Tindouf, who have been residing in Algeria for over 40 years. In October 2022, the United Nations Fourth Committee also discussed and heard testimonials of severe human rights abuses by the Polisario in the refugee camps and the Saharawi Democratic Republic. 

Furthermore, Amnesty International has called out Morocco for restricting access of human rights organizations into the Western Sahara and increasing discrimination and silencing of the Saharawi people. 

Algeria and Morocco and the Western Sahara: Where to go from here?

Upon scrutiny, it is clear that previous diplomatic solutions in the area have achieved little progress. Since the 2007 autonomy plan, Morocco has been unwilling to allow Western Sahara independence, especially after receiving support from nations such as the United States. 

In 2020, the United States became one of the first countries to recognize Moroccan sovereignty, sparking grave international debate within the United Nations. Upon finalization of the Trump administration’s Arab-Israel agreement, which aimed to restore ties between Morocco and Israel, the U.S. announced approval of Morocco’s presence in the region, a policy which has yet to be reversed by the current Biden administration. 

Yet it is still important to monitor the situation developing in the Western Sahara, not only from the perspective of human rights and trade, but also due to its reverberating effects in the Maghreb, the northern region of Africa. 

Ever since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Algeria has entered the spotlight as an energy provider, and its mounting tensions with Morocco could lead to a dangerous turning point. The two countries have had a turbulent relation since the Sand War border dispute in 1963, and are among the largest military and diplomatic forces in Northern Africa. The CHAN situation has highlighted the importance of monitoring and aiming to understand the Western Sahara conflict, which has become a poignant symbolic fault line for the two countries. 

Morocco still holds the upper hand, controlling over 75% of the territory. Nevertheless, CHAN served as a powerful reminder not to overlook the conflict. Until new approaches and negotiations emerge, Algerian and Moroccan tensions risk prolonging and the Western Sahara intensifying an almost half-a-century long dispute that has left the populations of the Western Sahara in a proverbial standstill culturally and politically. 

The CHAN situation also came at the same time as the most recent elections for the Polisario Front this year, which occurred Jan. 22 and saw the reelection of Brahim Gali as secretary general. Gali ran on a platform strategy of intensifying the armed struggle in the area, a decisive worry since conflict resumed in 2020 and a sign that unless acted upon, the conflict could spark serious consequences, especially as more countries stand for and approve Moroccan sovereignty claims. 

The post The 48 Year Continuum: The Debate Over the Western Sahara appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

As of December, Bitcoin prices had fallen approximately 63% throughout 2022 and 16% in November alone. While many companies and investors remain confident the currencies will quickly bounce back and remain trustable assets, the fall of the company re-sparked debate over the area of policy and finance. 

The world of cryptocurrencies is uncharted territory. As such, looking at the impact of the trading giant and the journey of cryptocurrency throughout 2022 is best understood by outlining its rise, controversies and debates in modern financial history. 

First, a bit about the evolution of money

The role of money has generally been subdivided into three categories: to act as an accepted medium of exchange, have a store of value and serve as a unit of account to price and compare goods and services. Moving from a bartering-centered system, forms of money have constantly morphed from country to country. Paper money was initially printed during the Yuan dynasty, and credit cards entered the scene in the 1950s. Since, modern finances have operated primarily on the use of debit/credit cards and cash.

The financial system underwent its subsequent change with the evolution of the internet and commercial websites, with digital payments becoming more common in the 1970s and 80s. Money now started moving through online intermediaries.

For instance, companies such as Paypal helped move the needle toward online transfers through the creation of third-party payments. Additionally, firms such as Safaricom, which began utilizing cellular sim cards to promote digital transactions, according to MIT Professor Gary Gensler, presented innovations for moving money. 

The introduction of Bitcoin and the rise of cryptocurrency

The first concrete and surviving digital crypto-currency, Bitcoin, comes after a series of primarily failed attempts in the 1980s, 90s and 2000s to apply the idea of cryptographic technology to cash and credit. Cryptography refers to a system of encoding and decoding data back and forth. 

On Halloween 2008, still anonymous, Satoshi Nakatomo sent out an email announcing work on a new electronic cash system. The proposal was technically advanced but conceptually simple: the creation of a new peer-to-peer direct system that would require no third-party intermediary. The email introduced Bitcoin to the world, and while the system has undergone various changes since, most cryptocurrencies today still operate primarily on the same skeletal structure.  

Bitcoin is an electronic currency that runs transactions using a system of public and private keys unique among users, who maintain a certain level of anonymity because transactions need confirmation through these electronic keys. Bitcoins are defined, according to Nakatomo, as a chain of computer-generated digital signatures, free-floating. 

These digital signatures allow a way to record and verify online transactions on a distributed and shared ledger. Digital signatures operate as a sort of “virtual fingertip,” ensuring correct transactions are taking place. 

Later, transactions are given a unique serial number and form a block that comes into contact with blockchain technology to timestamp and adds to the ledger through a process known as mining. Mining operates to ensure scarcity, so only a limited amount of bitcoin, 21 million Bitcoin, are mined each year. 

Additionally, to create a consensus protocol, the communication network only adds and accepts new blocks after proof-of-work, a specific computation that verifies transactions, is established through the computer system. 

Cryptocurrency stands apart from traditional currency due to its distributed ledgers and model. Since Bitcoin, countless other digital currencies have hit the market, including Ethereum, released in 2014, and Tether.

Although initially primarily used in the underground economy and illegal activity, cryptocurrency started boosting value and becoming mainstream. Yet, due to their politically decentralized nature, cryptocurrencies are generally highly volatile and face low scalability. Thus, outside of El Salvador and the Central African Republic, which became the first countries to legalize Bitcoin as legal tender to settle debts, cryptocurrencies are today traded and used as speculative financial assets for consumers and investors. At its peak in 2021, the total crypto market was valued at $2.9 trillion. 

Current Situation and FTX

So how did FTX enter the scene? The introduction of cryptocurrency helped start its capital market and various trading companies were established for selling, buying and managing the currencies beginning with the industry giant Binance in 2017. Binance was followed in 2019 by the creation of FTX, which quickly established itself as a player in cryptocurrency exchange. FTX created and introduced its denomination of cryptocurrency, or token, known as FTT. The company became the third largest exchange company in the international market, helping bail out several other firms after the crypto-winter price fall in the spring of 2022. 

Co-founded by American Sam Bankman Fried, the FTX entrepreneur became a public figure, frequently appearing in US congressional panels to talk about cryptocurrency.  

FTX worked in coordination with its hedge fund, Alameda Research, but the company’s story began unraveling in November when another cryptocurrency exchange company, Coinbase, released information FTX was performing a series of high-risk trades and loans through their FTTs. Coinbases’ information release led to a decrease in consumer confidence that, fueled by the public statements of other exchange companies, sparked a consumer-run that uncovered several weaknesses and pains in the corporate model. The company did not hold enough reserve resources and after a failed acquisition plan, it filed for bankruptcy. After further investigation, its American CEO was extradited from the Bahamas, then FTX’s less regulatory operations center, on claims of company-wide defrauding; the scandal even rendered many investors unable to withdraw their initial investments. 

Broader developments and debates

FTX’s collapse marked one of the most notable developments in the timeline of cryptocurrency. Following the fall of FTX, many in the financial sector began criticizing the exchange market as an overly centralized environment, with few companies dominating and monopolizing much trade. 

The long-term ramifications on the value of crypto-assets remain fluctuating, but FTX’s first hearings in the US Congressional House Committee have led to talks regarding regulatory policies.  

In the wake of FTX, on Jan. 2, the Federal Reserve and Federal Deposit Insurance issued a joint statement regarding crypto-asset risks on banking organizations. Additionally, Coinbase reached a 100 million dollar settlement with New York regulators after failing to comply with New York’s reporting requirements. FTX’s fall has led to wavering consumer trust and placed a heavier spotlight on the possible weaknesses and effects of the exchange market. 

Furthermore, on Nov. 18-19, the Group of 20 countries, or G20, issued in their leaders’ declaration support for the Financial Stability Board’s proposal for creating an international regulatory framework of crypto activity to promote consistency.  

This has led to increasing talks on regulation programs, including the European Union’s approval of the Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation Bill (MiCA) in October 2022. MiCA was one of the first international efforts to regulate digital market assets. The bill, which will be brought before the EU Parliament for Voting in early 2023, would require crypto companies to register with national authorities and meet a series of guarantees for investors. 

The fall of FTX came at a time when cryptocurrency had grown extremely prevalent, a recent poll showing as many as 1 in 5 Americans had contact with or held cryptocurrency. Looking forward, investors and regulators must track the international community’s continued response,  determine how to place cryptocurrency in the market and what types of regulations will or should be implemented. 

Despite recent price falls, cryptocurrencies and assets do not seem to be going anywhere anytime soon. In the economic game of risk and expected values, FTX has jump-started discussion on how countries should navigate domestic and international supervision and standards of the digital market.  

The post The Economics of Risk and the Future of Cryptocurrency appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

Oct. 24: delegations from Ethiopia’s central government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) arrive in South Africa to begin peace talks. Nov. 2: the parties publicly announce a truce. Two years after the start of Ethiopia’s brutal civil war, it appears the country is ready to stop fighting. 

The negotiations are just the beginning of a long and tenuous recovery process for Ethiopia, economically, socially and politically. In the short term, the peace agreement has outlined a series of transitional measures for the region. Until the next election cycle in Tigray, both parties will negotiate the appointment of an Interim Regional Administration and have agreed to create a hotline for continued political dialogue within 24 hours of the agreement. 

However, inflation in Ethiopia is the highest it’s been since the 2000s, and working to rebuild and mend two years of social disarray and humanitarian crisis will demand significant and sustained recovery efforts. The Tigray war has left over 2.6 million people internally displaced, and the United Nations Human Rights Council has publicly denounced both parties as guilty of war crimes. Understanding the significance and implications of the truce means looking into the reality of the conflict and its harrowing aftermath in the northern regions. 

The Tigray war began on Nov. 3, 2020 after the political group of the country’s northern region, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), performed strikes against a national military base. However, the causes and complexities of the civil war begin much earlier in the nation’s geopolitical history. Ethiopia has over 90 ethnic groups, exacerbating tensions and complicating power dynamics within the regional and national governments. 

Background

The TPLF emerged as the political force representing Tigrayans, Ethiopia’s fourth largest ethnic population, after the fall of Ethiopia’s military regime in 1991. The group was at the forefront of the four-party coalition that dominated Ethiopian politics until 2018. The coalition faced heavy criticism for suppressing dissent and, coupled with a series of anti-government protests in 2016, led to calls for leadership changes. 

This led to the appointment of Abiy Ahmed, the first ethnic Oromo prime minister. 

A member of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Force, Ahmed dismantled the coalition and created the Prosperity Party. He pursued a series of reform policies and received great international attention for helping negotiate a peace settlement between Ethiopia and Eritrea, winning the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. 

However, tensions between the TPLF and the central government grew when Tigray declined to join the Prosperity Party. The new government under the Prosperity Party signified a significant reduction in TPLF’s political influence. 

Then, in 2020, Ahmed announced the country would be delaying the 2020 election cycle due to COVID-19 concerns. Tigray refused to cooperate, running their regularly programmed elections in August. Response from the government came swiftly, refusing to acknowledge the results and passing legislation cutting funding to the northern region.  

In November, the TPLF striked national military bases, and Ahmed announced military intervention and airstrikes into Tigray. Fighting began between the TPLF and Ethiopian military, and continuously shifted between the two parties. Although a five-month truce briefly emerged in early 2021, the conflict continued to instill tensions in the region, with the central government appearing to have more resources and the upper hand. Conflict continued even days before the November truce, with reported airstrikes on Tigray.

Human rights violations

Beyond the ongoing civil conflict in Ethiopia, international debate spotlights claims of human rights abuses and accessibility to aid. 

In September, the United Nations announced evidence of crimes against humanity in Tigray, including claims of starvation, rape and ethnic cleansing in the northern region. Although Ahmed’s government has strongly refuted claims of hindering humanitarian aid, the World Food Program has estimated over 5.2 million people are at risk of starvation. Not only are food shortages apparent, but the conflict has destroyed many medical centers and infrastructure in Tigray. Doctors without Borders released a statement in March 2021, citing accounts of wide-spread attacks on healthcare. 

Because fighting began in the middle of the pandemic, Ethiopia has seen little to no COVID-19 recovery and support, and the lack of medical supplies has induced  countless deaths from routine medical procedures and infections. According to the World Health Organization, it’s been two months since humanitarian assistance reached the region. 

Furthermore, the war led to massive telecommunication blackouts and services—making it difficult for journalists and international groups to get first-hand accounts of the conflict—and challenging claims grew even more apparent after questions of Eritrean military intervention. 

Ethiopia and Eritrea have a complicated history. Eritrea first declared independence from Ethiopia in 1961, and the two nations have been in conflict several times since. Most recently, the Badme war lasted from 1998 until 2000, and the two countries maintained limited  diplomatic relations until Ahmed rose to power in 2018. Then, in 2021, accounts started streaming in of Eritrean forces actively involved in the Tigray conflict and supporting the Ethiopian military. Despite initial government rebuttal, the Human Rights Watch reported claims of civilian massacres by the forces in the Axum region. There was no mention of Eritrean forces in the peace-talks’ public statements. 

Peace Talks and Moving Forward 

The Ethiopia Peace Agreement struck many in the international community by surprise. After two years of continued fighting leading up to the African Union Peace talks there was uncertainty that the two groups would meaningfully engage. Yet, prolonged fighting and worsening humanitarian crisis seemed to have pushed the parties to the negotiating table. 

According to the Agence France Presse, the head of the TPLF delegation released a statement explaining the group was willing to make concessions in order to stop and address the prolonged suffering in the northern region. 

“In order to address the pains of our people, we have made concessions because we have to build trust,” Getachew Reda said. 

One of the agreement’s main objectives was the protections of civilians and humanitarian access. The Ethiopian government agreed to expedite the access to humanitarian aid in the region. 

The Ethiopian government also agreed to support the TPLF’s removal from Ethiopia’s terrorist organization list. 

The agreement however was a big win for the Ethiopian government, with the TPLF agreeing to complete disarmament of the Tigray Defence Force within the next thirty days. Additionally, Ethiopia troops presence is set to occur in Tigray’s capital of Mekelle. 

However, there are concerns regarding no mention of Eritrean forces from the peace agreement and a lack of implementary details. The African Union will be monitoring the situation, and both parties have agreed to set up a Transitional Justice Policy framework to restore order in the region. 

More remains to be seen as additional information and accounts arise over the conflict, but Ethiopia will have decades of work to acknowledge the suffering the conflict has imposed over Tigray and the nation as a whole. Rebuilding trust and ensuring access to aid will continue to regenerate debate, but the party leaders appear committed to ensuring an end to the conflict. Just Nov. 12, both parties officially signed an agreement outlying the implementation of peace talks. The Declaration of the Senior Commanders Meeting on the Implementation of the Ethiopia Permanent in Nairobi released a statement disarmament will begin Nov. 15. Soon after, the Department of State reported the parties have committed to the distribution of humanitarian aid and essential services.

The post The Politics of Famine: Ethiopia’s Truce Will Have to Mend Two Years of Humanitarian Crisis appeared first on Glimpse from the Globe.

This election saw the right leading in a way it’s never seen before, marked as clear winners in both houses of Parliament. Heading this coalition is the party Brothers of Italy, which reached only 4% of public support in 2018 but became the 2022 political force. This movement marks a new momentum for the Italian far right, but to understand how it happened, it is key to look at the history of Italy’s political landscape. Once doing so, it’s clear the movement is part of a larger pattern that’s been growing since post-World War II and suggests Italy might be entering a new phase of politics.

The beginning of the modern Italian political system dates back to 1947, when through a Constitutional referendum it became a republic. Under this new system, the nation set up a parliamentary system, with the prime minister acting as head of government and the president as head of state. The prime minister is selected by a majority of Parliament, composed of Il Senato (Senate) and Camera dei Deputati (House of Representatives). Parliamentary elections happening every five years in a vast multi-party system means gaining power as an Italian political party is difficult and all about creating and merging coalitions to reach the majority threshold. 

This initial post-war period sees the creation of five main political parties but a time of centrist dominance. The Christian Democratic party coalition ruling generally uninterrupted under a period of national unity. Despite the party’s prominence, infighting leads to quick Prime minister changes, most Prime Ministers serving one to two-year terms. It stays in power until the fateful year of 1992.

 1992 is the year of the “Mani Pulite” (Clean Hands) scandal when a judicial investigation led by uncovers massive political corruption. What became known as Tangentopoli, resulted in a bribery scandal involving all Italian political parties. The scandal saw the end of what became known as Italy’s first republic. All the major parties dissolved, losing credibility in the eyes of the people and were reborn into Italy’s next political arena. 

The restructuring is when Italy sees the introduction of technocratic governments. During a period of national emergency and disconnection, the parties formed a broad coalition around a cabinet of non-political experts to help stabilize the state. At the time, the role was filled by Carlo Azeglio Campi. The presence of technocratic leaders in times of party conflict has continued till today and is often used controversially when parties disagree. 

At the same time, after the hit of the scandal, Silvio Berlusconi, a business entrepreneur from Milan, founded a new right party called Forza Italia. Berlusconi’s coalition gained rapid speed and won him the role of prime minister the same year as its founding. During the late 90s and early 2000s, an rimpasto (reshuffling) system grew within the country, where parties within coalitions made the government fall to reorganize the cabinet and gain more influence. However, despite shifts of power between the left and right, the defining figure for Italy during this time remained Berlusconi. Serving over four terms as Prime Minister, he became the longest of any in the nation’s history and cemented the return of the conservative right into mainstream politics. 

Then, 2011 saw Italy hit by the Eurozone debt crisis. Along with impending inflation, Berlusconi is charged with multiple criminal charges; stemming from tax evasion, violation of anti-trust laws, bribery and sex scandals. Shaking support, Berlusconi and Forza Italia lost broad public support but remain involved in Italy’s political landscape to this day. Berlusconi’s Forza Italia is part of the winning coalition in 2022. 

The fall of Berlusconi led to the establishment of the Monti technical government. The 2010s see power shifting to the center-left Italian Democratic Party (PD). Nevertheless, PD rule is plagued by political gridlock. The constant infighting and a continuing decline in socioeconomic conditions left people looking for a new political entity to shake up the system. 

Enter Beppe Grillo, comedian turned politician. He founded the Five Star party, an anti-establishment populist party that gained major youth support and spoke to the politically discontented body of Italy. The party sees moderate gains until 2018 when it reaches 32% of the popular vote in the Parliamentary election. Despite a large public following, the hung election results in no party reaching a majority of the votes that year and Giuseppe Conte, a lawyer with connections to the Five stars, gets proposed as Prime Minister in a makeshift coalition created between the Five Star party and Lega Nord. Lega Nord is a right-wing party present in Italian politics since the 1980s, but that saw a resurgence of influence after the fall of Berlusconi and the 2013 immigration crisis. Headed by the controversial Matteo Salvini, a far-right politician with heavy anti-immigration and European sentiments, the respective leaders of both parties become deputy prime ministers until the Lega’s withdrawal of support in 2019. The Lega is the Brother’s of Italy’s partner in 2022 and speaks to the methodic rise of the right in recent years. 

After the presence of three Conte governments, the COVID-19 pandemic is underway,and Italy is one of the most heavily affected countries. Italy’s government faces heavy pressures during 2020, a decentralized time in politics with no clear frontrunner. A new broadband coalition forms between all the country’s major parties to appoint Draghi, the former head of the European Union central bank, as prime minister. The coalition passes, with only one party abstaining-Brothers of Italy. 

Founded in 2012 Brothers of Italy is a far-right political party dominated by Georgia Meloni. It arose from the fall of the Alleanza Sociale or National Alliance party; which evolved from Mussolini’s Italian Social Movement (MSI). Despite current claims, the party has a long history of far-right stances, operating under the platform of God, homeland and family. Meloni has worked over this past election cycle to present a pro-Nato and European Union platform to garner broader public support. However, the party has strong fascist ties. 

The current election occurred after the fall of Draghi, started in July following a vote of no confidence. After debates over the European Union COVID-19 bailout funds and the Five Star’s refusal to send more arms to Ukraine, the coalition fell apart. Draghi resigned and the President, Sergio Mattarella, dissolved Parliament. The country led back to the voting booth.  

The period of turmoil marked after the 2018 election sees the continuing trends of disarray and party competition sprawled onto the race for Prime Minister. After Draghi’s fall, the Five Star party lost popular support and fractured, trailing in third place in the 2022 election. The People’s Democratic Party, second in the polls, has also fractured, with previous party leader and Prime Minister Matteo Renzi creating a runoff party Viva Italia (Go Italy). Disagreement and criticism have left the public hopeless and disillusioned with the old political parties. Hence why Brothers of Italy, the only party that stood its ground in the 2020 government crisis and who draws towards an “Italy first platform,” spoke to the underbelly of the country.  

A Brother’s of Italy win sees several consequences and concerns for the country. Meloni has publicly pursued several anti-LGBTQIA+ policies and expressed refusal for mass immigration. She’s platformed for far-right parties such as Vox in Spain and was a member of the youth MSI movement. With over 5 million immigrants and refugees arriving in Italy each year, and the country in the middle of an energy shortage with exceedingly high electricity bills, the right coalition will have to deal with how the country will respond to essential social and economic questions. 

With a projected low voting turnout this election cycle, political parties in Italy are more divided than they’ve ever been since the 1990s, and crises, economic struggles, and technical governments have led the population to doubt politicians’ efficiency and capabilities, turning to the only party they’ve not tried before — the Brothers of Italy. The party seems to have publicly toned down its Euroskeptive rhetoric and placated to hone in on the people’s frustrations and anger against the government. However, Italy headed into the election marked by the rise and reorganization of its political parties. The rise of Brothers of Italy opens the door for an ominous shift in the nation, showing that Italy is on the arrival of a Third Republic. A Third Republic marked by the resurgence of the far-right. 

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